Walter Benjamin begins The Origin of German Tragic Drama with an “epistemo-critical prologue” in which, before he presents his idea of the baroque, he articulates his conception of philosophy, the activity by which he represents ideas and conceptualizes phenomena (such as the baroque).[1] Benjamin does this by charting a dichotomy, in which he situates philosophy clearly on one side. Philosophy, Benjamin clarifies, is “not [. . .] a guide to the acquisition of knowledge” but is “the representation of truth” (28). While mathematics tends towards the “elimination of the problem of representation” (thereby renouncing “that area of truth towards which language is directed”), “philosophical writing [presumably having to do with language. . .] must continually confront the question of representation” (27). Unlike the concept of the system that, in a syncretic fashion, connects “separate kinds of knowledge” (thereby acquiring universalism)[2] to catch a truth that comes from outside, (28), philosophy “in its finished form [. . .] assume[s] the quality of doctrine” (27), which has “didactic authority” (28). Philosophy, in other words, is for Benjamin the activity that, through language, represents truth, in an immanent process in which it gains the status of doctrine (something that in itself has authority, without the need for external verification).
Benjamin illustrates these principles at work through the treatise (“without which truth is inconceivable” (28)), what can be thought of as the beginnings of a doctrine, philosophy commencing its work. The treatise, Benjamin describes, lacks the authority of the doctrine (since it is still in development) at the same time that it dispenses with mathematical proof (since mathematics is not philosophy’s method) (28). “The only element of an intention [. . . that the treatise has, Benjamin explains,] is the authoritative quotation” (28).[3] True to philosophy, the “method [of the treatise] is essentially representation,” which, Benjamin elaborates, is “a digression,” a method that lacks “uninterrupted purposeful structure” (28). The “process of thinking” involved in the treatise, in other words, is one that “makes new beginnings, returning in a roundabout way to its original object” (28). Benjamin also calls this method contemplation, which is characterized by the “continual pausing for breath,” as the philosopher “pursu[es] different levels of meaning in its examination of one single object [in which the philosophical activity . . .] receives both the incentive to begin again and the justification for its irregular rhythm” (28).[4] The aim of this “contemplative mode of representation [. . .] is not to carry the reader away and inspire him with enthusiasm” but to “force[. . .] the reader to pause and reflect” in a detached manner (29). [Marx, of course, criticizes precisely such contemplative philosophy as complicit with the state (of things).]
The things or tools that philosophy works with are what Benjamin call ideas (29). To clarify what they are, he distinguishes truth, which “bodie[s] forth in the dance of represented ideas,” from knowledge (29). Knowledge, Benjamin describes, “is determined by the fact that it must be taken possession of” (29). As such, its method is not representation but the acquisition of the object targeted to be known (29). Knowledge acquires its object when the knower gets to know individual phenomena, collecting knowledge about them (30). These individual phenomena, Benjamin notes, are not unified in themselves. To be fully known, then, a secondary process is called for in which the knower “derive[s . . .] a coherence [. . . of these separate phenomena] in the consciousness” (30). Knowledge, in other words, requires a secondary process (the conscious derivation of coherence) in addition to the direct knowing (or perception) of individual objects. Because of this, the unity gained by knowledge, Benjamin evaluates, is not immediate. It is moreover only a conceptual unity, where “the concept is a spontaneous product of the intellect” (30) and not of the experience that precedes that intellectualizing (perhaps even rationalizing) process (characterized as this primary experience is by individual (and not unified) phenomena). [Husserl is charting the same mechanism when he makes the call to go back to phenomena, except Husserl’s “phenomena” does not relate to knowledge but to direct experience; Benjamin, of course, makes a very different move from Husserl when, rather than staying with phenomena, he connects them to ideas, as explained below.]
In contrast, Benjamin defines truth as “self-representation,” describing it as deriving “from an essence” (30). Benjamin explains that “all essences exist in complete and immaculate independence, not only from [reality], but especially, from each other” (37). Unlike individual phenomena (what knowledge works with), then, essences are unified and complete in themselves. Being more specific, Benjamin states that truth deals with ideas, which “are simply given to be reflected upon” (30). As such, ideas, unlike concepts, have a “unity of essence,” where essences have “supreme metaphysical significance” (30). It is, Benjamin clarifies, the “harmonious relationship between such essences [i.e. ideas. . . that] constitutes truth” (37). Because of the essential nature of its materials/components, then, “unity is present in truth as a direct and essential attribute” (30). Representation is thus immanent to truth and while “knowledge is open to question, [. . .] truth is not” (30). It is precisely this—truth, not knowledge—that for Benjamin philosophy is concerned with. [Thus in a way Benjamin aims to overthrow the tradition begun by Descartes that made epistemology the first philosophy.]
Reading Plato, Benjamin then presents “truth—the realm of ideas—as the essential content of beauty” (30) (emphasis added).[5] Benjamin clarifies that “truth is not a process of exposure which destroys the secret [of beauty], but a revelation which does justice to it” by being “the guarantor of the existence of beauty” (31). By content, then, Benjamin does not mean something exposed. Rather, it is something “revealed in a process which might be described metaphorically as the burning up of the husk as it enters the realm of ideas, that is to say a destruction of the work in which its external form achieves its most brilliant degree of illumination,” i.e. the revelation (truth) that leads to illumination (beauty) (31). This to Benjamin demonstrates even more so how truth is not the object of knowledge, that philosophical truth is not scientific truth, and that philosophical truth “applie[s] to the world of ideas instead of empirical reality” (32).
[The Pintura of Chimalhuacán-Atoyac, an Amerindian "map"]
Walter Mignolo’s The Darker Side of the Renaissance explores different practices of representation/expression (literature, history, cartography) and the way in which in their respective registers (language, memory, space) they have been shaped and utilized by the imperial power (Europe, Spain in particular) for its colonizing project (of the Americas).[1] Mignolo makes no gesture to deny that some material world exists outside of these discourses (discourses here simply meaning processes that produce representations such as a literary work, a historical record, a map). Rather than straightforward correspondence between the discourse (which produce entities related to what Saussure calls the sign) and the material world (Saussure’s referent; “reality”), however, Mignolo questions such notion of objective truth.[2] He points instead to the political motivation and implication of such discourses, arguing that the construction of representations and the shape that they take constitute a significant part of the process of colonization (i.e. these discourses forward the imperial power’s political interests). In effect, the colonizer does not merely take over physical space (the territory) and assert its power by physical force (e.g. by the execution of insurgent elements in the colonized population); part and parcel of the colonizing project is the discursive imposition of representations. This is the way in which discourses of colonization, which manifest materially (in the text, the map), have a material effect (as “tools” for colonization).
One such discourse imposed by imperial power is European cartography, the development of which Mignolo charts in chapter 6 (“Putting the Americas on the Map: Cartography and the Colonization of Space”). Mignolo explains that the West mapped the world as divided into four parts in which, at the outset of its colonization, the Americas was represented as a “New World.” This representation equated knowledge by the West of a part of the world previously unknown to it with that part’s existence, as though prior to that knowledge, the Americas was an empty space that therefore had no perspective (coming as perspective does from people) and as though the perspective of the West corresponded to the actual shape of the world (259-62). Mignolo notes that all cultures fall into this centrism (262). If this is the case, it can be asked: why does Mignolo focus on the “hypothetical European observer,” critiquing only Eurocentrism (and not say, Amerindianism) (262)? What makes European centrism unique? Is it because the West at the time that Mignolo speaks of was in a position to do something with its perspective, i.e. to colonize the Americas, in a way that other powers that were also prone to centrism (e.g. Japan) did not?[3]
An implied assumption in Mignolo’s argument is that the European colonization of the Americas worked partly because of European cartography, that, as it were, representation is a tool for colonization. At the same time, however, (this may be what makes the European case unique) the success of their (material) colonization of the Americas allowed Europeans to disseminate their perspective—including to the colonized who come to adopt the colonizers’ maps not in the least because their land has become a part of the colonizers’ territory, thereby necessitating some synchronization of the representations of space—not to mention the forceful imposition by the colonizers of their representations, as, for example, in “the suppression [by the Spanish] of native graphic traditions and modes of communication” (303). Thus not only is discourse a part of the colonizing project; through colonization the discourses of the colonizers seem to gain more universality, if only because that discourse is incorporated into the representational framework of more people (the colonizers and the colonized).
After discussing European cartography, Mignolo turns to “the other side of the mountain” to provide an account of Amerindian representations of space—the same space represented by the Europeans, albeit differently—the presence of which testifies that there were, in fact, albeit silenced, Amerindian representations of space prior to and after the Europeans’ arrival in what the latter called the “New World” (296). Mignolo hints that he can do this with less certainty compared to his account of European representation since “Amerindian ‘maps’ are not as well documented as Spanish and European ones partly due to the fact that most of them were destroyed in the process of colonization,” which once again makes felt the effect of the material situation on discursive representations (296). Nonetheless, Mignolo is able to determine that Amerindian representations were, like the actual space they inhabited, hybrid ones in which both “ethnic spaces” of the Spanish and the Amerindian coexisted (307). This is the way in which Mignolo is able to make the distinction between the two discursive strategies of representation: the European empties space so that he can then organize it with himself occupying the center; while the Amerindian empties the center to show the two ethnic groups inhabiting the same (or a contiguous) space with each other (309).
At first it seems as though it is only the Europeans that are, through their representations, committing a political act, as though it is only their discourses that have a material effect. Emptying space, the Europeans are able to impose their own perspective and position themselves at the center of representations, thereby making felt, even in their representations (i.e. in addition to their setting up of a government, their military bases, etc.), their power. Amerindian mappings of space after the conquest, however, are also political. The Amerindians were faced with a (material) situation in which the colonizers occupied the center. Even as their hybrid representations do not attempt to push these colonizers out (since they represent both groups, including the colonizers), the latter are nonetheless de-centered, in a move that likely calls for an equality of status between the two groups (since in the representations no one is at the center; rather, both groups coexist in two ethnic spaces), in effect dethroning the colonizers from their position of power—undeniably a political move. The two representations have two different starting points (a space that was just discovered, targeted to be colonized; colonial rule in which the colonized “native” inhabitants of the land, occupy a subordinate position) and as such different tasks—and, it must be noted, different goals (colonization, with the hierarchy, usurpation, and oppression it implies; equality without necessarily demanding the colonizers to leave). Nonetheless, it cannot be denied that both discursive strategies are political: created by groups that have political interests (although politics may not be the only reason that they were created), the representations work towards (material) political goals.
It has been a looong time since I last posted something here. Partly because I took a break (from writing, at least), partly because I had to move to my new settlement for the next few years (beautiful SoCal). To restart another period of (hopefully prolific) activity, I significantly revised the profile page of (mass)think! (the only work-related product of the summer, really). Think of it as, “What is (mass)think?” or better yet, “How to (mass)think?” the profile of an “approach” (attitude, methodology, purpose), as it were, which really is a record/reminder of the most important things I learned in grad school (so far).
I also want to take this opportunity to alert those who are concerned about quality and accessible public education in America that, in lieu of the present economic “crisis” (manufactured by them who are being bailed out while they were singing, “I can do this by myself! No government! No sociality!”), the University of California is being threatened to be privatized and turned into a business. A letter by UC Berkeley professor Catherine Cole provides a guide through the economic woes passed onto the excellent public university system (one of the best, if not the best, in the United States) and the administration’s tendentious response to it. UC San Francisco professor Stanton Glantz explains how UC and CSU budget policymaking works and assesses options and their consequences (looking at UM), pointing to the importance of the governor. UC Berkeley professor George Lakoff clarifies that privatization is the real issue. To take a stand against the destruction of public education in California, on September 24th, UC faculty, students, and staff from all ten campuses are planning a walkout.
Update (2009.09.21):
The show Subversity on campus radio KUCI has been providing coverage of the UC budget crisis and planned worker response to it. Dan Tsang points to an earlier report (2002) by economist Peter Donohue on a history of the UC refusing to improve workers’ pay despite its ability to do so (more from its own revenues than state appropriations) without harming educational programs. Donohue also clarifies the distinction between “restricted” and “unrestricted” funds, pointing out that “committed” funds are not legally or contractually binding and that unrestricted funds have increased over the years, some of which have been non-mandatorily transferred (i.e. hidden).
More up-to-date analysis is provided by UC Berkeley Professor Emeritus in Physics Charles Schwartz at University Probe. Schwartz points out that for the proposed 2009-2010 budget, students’ financial input (2.5 billion) to the UC core operating budget actually matches the funds that come from the state (2.6 billion). If this is how things were to work, then the university, Schwartz reasons, ought to be more student-oriented. Calling attention to the fact that the administration is “cutting Teaching Assistants, who are graduate students employed as the first line in serving the educational needs of undergraduate students,” noting that “the total cost to UC for all TA’s [. . .] is between $100 million and $200 million per year, [. . . which] are peanuts compared to the total $1.5 billion that undergraduate students are paying in Educational Fees,” Schwartz remarks that “there is something wrong here.” The “$1.5 billion in money that [the UC] get[s] from undergraduate students paying their Educational Fees should be used – as a first priority – to provide the quality undergraduate education that UC has been famous for [including the hiring of excellent faculty and TAs]. If there is a dire shortage in state funding, that may certainly have some painful consequences; but since students are paying so much for their own education, that money must be used to supply them that education.”
Remaking the University links to a series of videos from the UC Budget Crisis Teach-In at UC Berkeley on 2009.09.14.
Defend-UCI links to a document by senior faculty from UC Irvine providing a “more informed understanding” of the UC crisis, highlighting UC contributions to California; property taxes that are too low (thanks to Proposition 13 in 1978) and corporate taxes that were cut, making the state dependent on individual income tax; the Schwarzenegger-Dynes-Reed Compact that shifts education finance away from the state general fund onto private sources; the governor demanding radical shrinkage of the pubilc sector (vowing “no new taxes,” instead calling for “structural reform”). More directly pertinent to the UC, the document explains the most recent reduction (2008-2009) in state support from $3.2 to $2.4 billion and the state of fiscal emergency declared by UC President Yudof as he imposed salary cuts, office restructurings, service reductions, administrative consolidations (“the net result has been a substantial and accelerating decline in the quality of students’ educational experience—growing class sizes, fewer courses, greater difficulty enrolling in courses, fewer teaching assistants, less student access to labs”; “The University of California – the greatest public university in the world — usually hires dozens of faculty members each year. Most campuses have had to declare a hiring freeze”) and recommended a net 30% increase in student fees over the next year (“with the proposed increases in student fees, the UC is still cheaper than its peers, [. . . but] to fully recoup from tuition [w]hat is being cut in state support, students would have to pay twice as much as they do now”).
Students from the Radical Student Union at UC Irvine publish the first ever UCI Disorientation Guide.
Contact the media (TV, radio, blog) and ask them to cover the 9/24 UC walkout! My letter to Democracy Now!:
On September 24th professors, students, and staff are planning a system-wide walkout at the ten UC campuses to protest state cuts on education funding and make the UC, one of the best and few truly public universities in America, to be more reliant on student fees. Berkeley professor George Lakoff makes clear that the issue really is the privatization of the public university (http://keepcaliforniaspromise.org/?p=77), with consequences reaching far beyond California. Berkeley professor Charles Schwartz points out that for the proposed 2009-2010 budget, students’ financial input (2.5 billion) to the UC core operating budget actually matches the funds that come from the state (2.6 billion) (http://bit.ly/1yeT5f). The Donohue report (2002) shows that the UC has a history of refusing to improve workers’ pay despite its ability to do so (more from its own revenues than state appropriations) without harming educational programs (http://bit.ly/388pIH). UC Irvine senior faculty describes the salary cuts, office restructurings, service reductions, administrative consolidations, and tuition hikes imposed by UC president Yudof (http://bit.ly/1bYi1). Berkeley professors offer a teach-in on the crisis (http://bit.ly/2qmR0H). The LA Times and mainstream media in general has not covered this story. It has been mentioned in the Pacifica Evening Radio News, but in-depth coverage and analysis is lacking. Given the groundbreaking tradition of Democracy Now to bring news from the progressive ground, I’m sure it would be easy to find the professors mentioned above and ask them to explain these issues–pertinent to the whole nation, specifically to public education, which is dying–in a public and national forum. September 24th is an important day, because if the protests fall flat, then the UC administration would take it as a signal that they can do whatever they want, without input and, more importantly, significant resistance from faculty, staff, and students, the true lifeblood of the university. Please consider this request; do your part in taking a stand against the destruction of public education.










