
[The statement of purpose I'm using for my MA Review at UCI. Various aspects of the research benefited from conversations with Rei Terada (UCI), Eyal Amiran (UCI), Ackbar Abbas (UCI), Dina Al-Kassim (UCI), Joseph Salazar (Ateneo de Manila), Sarita See (UMichigan), Karen Tongson (USC), Jerry Respeto (Ateneo de Manila), and William R. Handley (USC), as well as previous mentoring from Greg Stone (LSU), John Protevi (LSU), and Greg Schufreider (LSU). Please leave comments and suggestions, especially before my exam (on 15 Feb)!]
My main interest is in political economy. I am interested in the ways in which material scarcity (real and imagined) leads to some kind of system or regime, a certain way of working with desired materials that claims to be efficient (minimum cost) and effective (maximum effect) or to have some acceptable purpose. This political direction of limited conditions involves subjects in relations in which one is able to or makes another do something. I am interested, in other words, in how the configuration of the economy is political (the maintenance of working conditions is the maintenance of the social hierarchy, informed by the interests of certain groups) and how the economy deploys political effects (e.g. economic consideration motivates political action). I take as given that there are material conditions that delimit individuals and their social relations. I likewise recognize, however, that the determination of which material realities have value, in what ways, and how they condition the state of things is a constitution of an economy that is thoroughly and instantly political. This implies that the study of what is material necessarily entails inquiry into rhetoric, culture, literature, i.e. into texts.
The dynamics of political economy are shaped by geography: an economic activity takes place somewhere; this space delimits the activity. Correlatively, political economy manifests on a geography: activities result in a particular organization of space, e.g. uneven geographical development characterized by unequal mobility; this configuration enables the system to function and, as in the case of capital, to persist. In studying political economy, my more specific interest is in its geographical manifestations and limits. More precisely, I am interested in how territories are accumulated (state formation, business incorporation, internal and external imperialism), which leads to a system of interrelated states (world order) or a unified economy (globalization), and the decolonizing responses (liberation and independence movements, fascisms, fundamentalisms) this incites and the lingering heritage it leaves behind (postcolonialism, in social structure, in logic, in libido …). These dynamics operate in the context of a varied and diverse geography, which means that different places actualize this geographical, political, and economic constellation in its own way.
Studying geopolitical economy necessarily entails looking into the use of and changes in nature. “Nature,” after all, is the fundamental ground of geography and of the economy, not to mention the first object of imperialism. Especially pertinent to geopolitical economy are mechanisms that demonstrate the interdependence between human and natural communities (the ecological/paranoid doctrine, “Everything is connected”), the anthropocentric conceptualization of nature as man’s environment, and transcendentalist/univocal ontologies that claim that economies are but sections of ecosystems and that humans undergo the same processes as other creatures, in fact other things, on earth, only in different time-scales. I am interested in particular in elements of “nature” grounded on or in the earth that are either territorialized (becomes the center around which human settlement develops) or extracted (natural resources). My interest in ecology is thus more narrowly an interest in geology.
I would like to study these geographical, political, economic, and ecological dynamics by reading theoretical precedents and literature in which these dynamics are manifest. My reading of literature is theoretically informed. My goal, however, is not to apply theory to literature or illustrate theory through particular literary instances. Rather, I would like to hold theory and literature in conversation. In a way, I read literature as a theoretical text. Theory and literature are, of course, different discursive forms, characterized by different styles. Literature (and, for that matter, theory) conveys something not only through what is directly said (content) but also through devices employed in certain ways (style). Style is thus of prime importance in considering a literary work, revealing the ways in which fiction is political (both anchored in reality and distant from it, critiquing what’s presently real, imagining alternatives, or recovering buried histories precisely by being grounded in real conditions). My interest in literature, however, is not primarily aesthetic. Rather, I take style as part of the work’s content, an element, like what is explicitly said, through which something is conveyed. It is this content—its philosophy, as it were—that I am primarily interested in, philosophy that can be extracted or, better yet, assembled from literature as much as from theory. I would like to take theory and literature, then, as philosophical materials through which I hope to develop a way of thinking about geopolitical economy/ecology. In the process, I hope to produce insightful readings of theory and literature.
There is, in my opinion, no more pointed reflection of a political economy (America) exercising hegemony (imperialism requiring no direct colonization) over a globalized world order (post-WWII geography), especially through the dialectic between its supposedly universal prospects/promises (American independence and democracy) and its actual internal conditions (discontents of the American dream), than American fiction after 1945, arguably a golden and diverse age in literature. At the other end of the geopolitical economy, Filipino fiction foregrounds poverty, crime, religion, immigration, broken families, working children, feudal provinces, the sprawling urban landscape in which, amidst the traffic, one inevitably encounters strangers and/or pickpockets, a geography that perhaps serves as a metaphor for the country’s crowded yet stalled political arena made up not so much by public servants as by mercenaries and sycophants. These conditions are considered quintessentially Filipino; in fact, they are the consequences of the Americanized economy and education system and of the social values preached by the Catholic Church, i.e. lingering effects of the former American (and Spanish) colony’s past.
Beyond pointing to the geopolitical and cultural connection between these two territories, I argue that more complex theoretical tools would be developed and richer interpretative resources could be mined if inquiry was also directed to a third site, the American West. I would like to engage with the idea of the West as the site of Americanization, the place where what it means to be American was developed, the source, as it were, of original American character. While my interest in the West is on this idea, rather than taking me away from geography, this leads me closer it. After all, the idea of the West as American is grounded and made to be manifest on the natural and material realities of a geographical region (primarily the Western United States). It does not, however, limit me to one geography. Part of what makes the West so pertinent to my project is that it is a place that is not only “real” and definitely located on the map; it is at the same time ideologically constructed as ever mobile (at first just a day’s ride from the coast …), hence displaced, appropriated, and applied to more than one geographical location. This mobility of its geography is part of what makes the idea of the American West not only pertinent to my project but, more importantly, potent in its geopolitical effects.
Americanization through the West took place through a certain interpretation of its incorporation into the United States, its experience and the character it supposedly developed ideologically constructed as what is American. In its development, the West was represented as a site of masculinity (of prospectors, farmers, cowboys, outlaws, lawmen, Pinkertons) wandering across and working the grand landscape (land that is not only vast and empty, but full, fertile) in which, through the rugged individualism and democratic strength of character supposedly fostered in this fatal environment, the “American” is thought to successfully incorporate the wild or the “savage” (nature, Indians, foreign workers, emancipated slaves) into civilization, into the economy, with (at least initially) no established laws that dictated how he would do so and with there always being further frontiers, primitive conditions, for him to (re)turn to, further opportunities to start anew. Through the West, then, what is American gained a specific, unique character, closely identified with the American dream.
These material and ideological processes endure. The development of the West contributed in significant ways to the consolidation of Gilded Age capitalism that continues to run America. The success of this territorial accumulation, moreover, materially enabled and was ideologically used to justify American imperialism: first in the form of direct colonization, as in the Philippines, in which the colonized were represented as “little brown brothers”; and then in the form of neoliberal globalization, the principles of which derive directly from the American character constituted in the frontier.
American and Filipino culture and political economy, then, are linked to and via the West because they were both, if to different degrees, Americanized, a process that took place through the West. Americanization through the West, in other words, is a foundational ideological (and imperialist) process that shaped both America and the Philippines, a process they are still grappling with and responding to, to which, in important ways, they (at times the Philippines more so than the United States) are still prone (as post-Americans, post-American subjects?). My claim is not that what is American was truly developed in the West. I am not interested in making such definitions. I am, however, interested in what the ideological construction called “American”—but one particular definition of what holds “America” together, if the most lasting and powerful—is able to accomplish geopolitically, economically, and ecologically, especially internally, in American society, and in one of America’s first colonies and for a time its Asian model of democracy, the Philippines.
This process of Americanization necessarily has an other side. The West as national fountainhead (of character, of opportunities, of dreams) and imperial model (the frontier is gone, conquer the new frontier) has incited radical discontents both within the Western United States (in the radical struggles of anarchists, populists, progressives, and Wobblies, not to mention the “Native Americans”) and “outside,” e.g. in the Philippines (in the struggle of Filipinos for independence from their “liberators”). In fact, what makes the West so imperially potent (its mobility) and the process by which it was accumulated (i.e. through military conquest, capitalist development, and its mythologizing as America’s manifest destiny) has, ironically, set the conditions for the deconstruction of what it supposedly constructs (America, the American, the American geopolitical economy). In this other side, the West proves yet again to be fundamentally consistent with American and Filipino culture.
The West does not only share with the Philippines the recurring presence in its (economic, political, cultural) landscape of land, nature, religion, underdevelopment, nomads, the mountains …—arguably premodern, antimodern, or nonmodern forces or impulses. Likewise, the West does not only share with mainstream, “sophisticated” American culture (mostly from the East) presupposed belonging to the same entity. More importantly, the West, I argue, is (1). postmodern before the letter, constituted by tendencies associated with the cultural movement long before it was assembled in mainstream American culture; (2). imbued with political radicalism, not only as a response to the burden of national definition unduly placed on it, but as its presupposition (even if it is short-circuited); and (3). postcolonial even before the Philippines was colonized, in fact uniquely so, occupying a special place in the American imperial project. Studying the West would thus not only clarify the geopolitical and economic dynamics at work in America and the Philippines; it could also shed light on radical responses to the geopolitical economy, including the ways in which they fail.
[Revision 2011.03.12: I have since had my MA exam and with the help of my committee, rather than being overly ambitious, I realized that I need to gain sharper focus. Instead of trying to cover three separate (even if related) fields, I decided to pick two and think more elaborately about how I'm connecting them. For this reason, I am deferring the American West part of the project in order to develop more the notion of the connection between Filipino and American fiction after 1945 in terms of the margins/minor and fictional performativity. The following paragraphs thus supersede the discussions of particular literary traditions above (they are meant to replace the paragraphs that come after "There is, in my opinion ..."). I also reorganized and made some changes on the tentative lists.]
There is, in my view, no more pointed reflection of a political economy (America) exercising hegemony (imperialism requiring no direct colonization) over a globalized world order (post-WWII geography), especially through the dialectic between its supposedly universal prospects/promises (American independence and democracy) and its actual internal conditions (discontents of the American dream), than American fiction after 1945, arguably a golden and diverse age in literature. At the other end of the geopolitical economy, Filipino fiction foregrounds poverty, crime, religion, immigration, broken families, working children, feudal provinces, the sprawling urban landscape in which, amidst the traffic, one inevitably encounters strangers and/or pickpockets, a geography that perhaps serves as a metaphor for the country’s crowded yet stalled political arena made up not so much by public servants as by mercenaries and sycophants. These conditions are considered quintessentially Filipino; in fact, they are the consequences of the Americanized economy and education system and of the social values preached by the Catholic Church, i.e. lingering effects of the former American (and Spanish) colony’s past.
By choosing to study America and the Philippines through their fictions, I do not mean to posit between them a necessary and unique link. Such links are prone to the dangers of essentialism, as when the two sites are defined in terms of a common process like Americanization (in different ways, of course, in which they occupy different positions in the hierarchy). This, I have come to feel, reduces the complexity of the Philippines imagined in Filipino novels (as somehow necessarily related to imperial powers, specifically America) as well as the issues/problems it is dealing with (as automatically caused by the colonial past or its postcolonialism), not to mention the reduction of America (and what is “American”) itself, when the diversity of its fiction indicates otherwise. I would like to more simply think of America and the Philippines as cases, each positioned in the geopolitical economy differently (internal or home base v. periphery and former colony, each actualizing the political economy in its own way), but intricately, intimately.
Deconstructing essential links between America and the Philippines does not, of course, imply that there are no links or commonalities at all, which would be inconsistent with the invoking of a geopolitical economy/ecology. The commonality that I propose between the two sites, however, is generic and minimal (although more specific and pointed than merely pointing out that both sites are in the geopolitical economy). I propose that American fiction after 1945, with the emergence of postmodernism (at first seemingly non-historical and apolitical) and the opening up of the field to minority voices, are written about, at, from, or by the margins of mainstream modern/capitalist/American society. This, I argue, is similar to the way in which Filipino fiction from its inception is written at the border/margins of (the Spanish/American) empire (or the postcolony maintained by the favored local elites), which, in contrast to American fiction, is openly socio-historical and political.
I find these fictions especially pertinent in the way that they depict/explore survival through precarious conditions, the hierarchy of and oppression in work, gilded peace repressing class/race/social conflict (or, more generally, the struggle of differences), mobility and territoriality, colonization and imperialism, resistance/defiance/rebellion, the escape from and radical alternatives to modern civilization—dynamics of political economy playing out in individual lives and social communities. The lives portrayed in these texts are, of course, fictional; there is thus a need to consider the disjunct between actual history/politics and imagined unfoldings. Nonetheless, while this gap may lead to some distortions, even distortions, I argue, especially literary ones found in the best of fictions, are potentialities, enabling literature to go beyond, perhaps against, actual material, in an act in which literature performs something in and to the “real world.” “Fictional histories and politics” are thus both the manifestation and critique of political economy. It is in this way that, I believe, fiction presents a potent response to the geopolitical economy, among which those found in America and the Philippines, I argue, have something to offer to other sites. As I study the valence of these local fictional responses, I hope to shed some light as well on why histories are reenacted (differently, more personally) and politics are reterritorialized in fiction, and what function/potential there (still) is for fiction—and for writing itself—in a world in which, perhaps precisely because, it is no longer dominant.
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